The Earliest Known Bearers of the Name Tennekoon: The Paḍākada Sannasa and the Origins of a Lineage

Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave was widely known simply as Tennekoon during the second half of the seventeenth century. His prominence within the Kandyan administration under King Rajasinghe II, together with his later association with the Dutch East India Company, ensured that his name appears frequently in contemporary documentary sources. Dutch records in particular, as well as later historical studies, provide abundant evidence for his activities and status.

In the centuries following his lifetime, several identifiable branches of his descendants continued to use the surname Tennekoon, and families bearing that name remain present in several regions of Sri Lanka to the present day. At the same time, the surname appears in connection with other individuals whose precise genealogical relationship to Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave is uncertain. The name therefore became more widely distributed after the seventeenth century, making it difficult to determine which later bearers of the surname belong to his direct lineage.

Evidence for the use of the name Tennekoon prior to the lifetime of Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave, however, is extremely limited. Only a small number of historical references can be identified before the mid-seventeenth century. Among these, the earliest and most authoritative reference to the name appears in the Paḍākada copper-plate grant (පඩාකඩ සන්නස), an important document associated with the political history of the Kingdom of Kotte.

The problem of identifying the earliest bearers of the name Tennekoon is therefore closely connected with the broader question of how the lineage associated with Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave emerged within the political landscape of late medieval Sri Lanka. While seventeenth-century sources document the career of Tennekoon Dissave with considerable clarity, earlier generations must be reconstructed through a combination of inscriptions, chronicles, and genealogical manuscripts preserved within family traditions. These materials vary in reliability and chronological precision, yet when read together they allow the outlines of an earlier historical context to emerge.

Among these sources, the Paḍākada copper-plate grant occupies a particularly significant position. Not only does it provide the earliest known epigraphic reference to the name Tennekoon, but it also situates that name within the administrative and political world of the Kingdom of Kotte during the fifteenth century. When interpreted alongside the Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya and the chronicle traditions preserved in the Rājāvaliya, the inscription offers an important starting point for tracing the deeper historical background of the lineage later represented by Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave.

The Discovery of the Paḍākada Copper Plate

The Paḍākada copper-plate grant first came to modern scholarly attention in the early twentieth century. The plate was reportedly discovered at a curio dealer’s shop in Colombo around 1935 by the historian and civil servant Paul E. Pieris, who recognized its historical significance. Pieris subsequently acquired the plate and entrusted it to Senarat Paranavitana, then Archaeological Commissioner of Ceylon, for scholarly examination.

Paranavitana carefully read, transcribed, and interpreted the inscription, publishing his findings in the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Although the copper plate had suffered considerable damage—a portion of it having been destroyed by fire—the surviving text still preserved valuable historical information.

The Paḍākada copper plate records a royal land grant issued by Emperor Sirimath Siri Sangabo Sri Parakramabahu (ශ්‍රීමත් සිරිසඟබෝ ශ්‍රී පරාක්‍රමබාහු චක්‍රවර්තති), who ruled from Sri Jayawardhanapura Kotte (ජයවර්ධන කෝට්ට). The grant was made to a figure named:

Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal (තෙන්නකෝන් නිතත්ත මුඩිත්ත පෙරුමාල්).

The language of the inscription is remarkably close to modern Sinhala, a feature commonly observed in documentary sources from the Kotte period. As a result, the text is comparatively accessible to modern readers, unlike earlier medieval inscriptions that employ archaic grammatical forms.

The Problem of Identifying the Granting King

One of the principal difficulties in interpreting the Paḍākada copper plate arises from the absence of the exact regnal or calendar year in the surviving inscription. Only the month and date are preserved, while the year itself has been lost due to damage. This omission complicates the identification of the exact monarch who issued the grant.

The difficulty arises because five rulers named Parakramabahu reigned from Sri Jayawardhanapura Kotte during the relevant period:

• Parakramabahu VI (1411–1466)

• Jayavira Parakramabahu (1466–1469)

• Pandita Parakramabahu VII (1477)

• Vira Parakramabahu VIII (1477–1489)

• Dharma Parakramabahu IX (1489–1513)

Without the year, the inscription alone does not immediately reveal which of these rulers issued the grant. In this case, however, another source—the Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya—helps to clarify the matter.

The Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya and the Memory of the Grant

The Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya, a genealogical ola manuscript associated with the Tudugala lineage, contains an important reference to the Paḍākada grant. The manuscript was revised on 20 September 1897 by the Buddhist monk Rev. Thudugala Dhammajothi, who identifies himself within the text as a descendant of Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave.

In his compilation, the monk records that a copper-plate grant relating to Padakada village in Pasyodun Korale had once been preserved among the family’s ancestral documents but was later damaged by fire. The Bandaravaliya therefore preserves a textual memory of the same grant that was later rediscovered by Paul E. Pieris.

The manuscript identifies the recipient of the grant as Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal, whom it presents as an ancestor both of Vidiya Bandara and of Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave.

Identification of King “Rukula Parakramabahu”

According to the Bandaravaliya, the grant of Padakada village was issued by a king identified as Rukula Parakramabahu. Scholars such as Paul E. Pieris and J. H. O. Paulusz have argued that this ruler corresponds to King Parakramabahu VI, the most powerful monarch of the Kotte kingdom.

Several factors support this identification.

First, the Bandaravaliya states that the grant was issued during the time when Alakeshwara exercised authority in Kotte, a circumstance consistent with the political environment of the fifteenth century.

Second, the Paḍākada copper plate refers to the granting monarch using the imperial title:

චක්‍රවර්තති (Chakravarti / Emperor).

Among the possible candidates, Parakramabahu VI is the only ruler whose authority extended across most of the island and who plausibly bore such an imperial designation.

Taken together, these factors strongly suggest that the grant was issued during the reign of Parakramabahu VI in the mid-fifteenth century.

The Migration of Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal

The Bandaravaliya describes Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal as a ruler originating from the Chola country of South India. According to the manuscript, he migrated to Sri Lanka after losing his kingdom in a conflict with another South Indian ruler.

The text further states that King Rukula Parakramabahu himself was also of South Indian origin and was related to Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal as a cousin. Upon arriving in Sri Lanka, Tennekoon is said to have landed at Maradana beach, where he was ceremonially received by the royal court.

The Bandaravaliya records that he was welcomed by Sannas Wickremesinghe, the king’s prime minister, together with five ministers of the royal council.

The name Sanhas Thiruvarangan Wickremesinghe also appears in the Dedigama inscription, erected during the reign of Bhuvanekabahu VI (1469–1477), the son of Parakramabahu VI. Prior to his coronation, Bhuvanekabahu VI was known as Prince Sapumal (Chembagapperumal). The appearance of this ministerial name in both contexts further reinforces the fifteenth-century dating of the events described in the Bandaravaliya.

The Land Grants in Pasyodun Korale

The village of Padakada in Pasyodun Korale, located in what is now the Kalutara District, was only one among several estates granted to Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal.

According to the Bandaravaliya, the following lands were granted to him:

• Padakada

• Visidagama

• Thudugala

• Madugama

• Henegama

All of these villages lay within Pasyodun Korale, an administrative division of considerable importance during the Kotte period. In addition to these estates, the text also states that Tennekoon received authority over a province within the Dissavany of Matota.

The Bandaravaliya records that he first settled in Visidagama and later established his residence at Thudugala, which subsequently became associated with the lineage that preserved the manuscript.

Interpreting the Name “Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal”

The name Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal clearly reflects South Indian linguistic influences.

The title Perumal is widely attested in South Indian royal traditions and often denotes a leader, prince, or person of high rank.

The word Tennekoon literally means “King of the South.”

The remaining components of the name require closer linguistic interpretation.

The term Nithaththa appears to derive from the Sanskrit निदत्त (nidatta), meaning “given a name” or “bestowed with a title.” In Sinhala this sense corresponds to “නාමලාභී” or “නම් ලද.”

The Tamil word முடி (mudi) means “crown.” The form Mudiththa may therefore represent a corrupted or vernacular form meaning “crowned.”

Taken together, the name may be interpreted as meaning:

“The crowned prince who was given the name Tennekoon, the King of the South.”

This interpretation accords well with the Bandaravaliya’s portrayal of Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal as a displaced South Indian ruler who was received with honour at the court of Parakramabahu VI.

Mudaliyar Tennekoon of Thotagamuwa

Between the lifetime of Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal in the fifteenth century and that of Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave in the seventeenth century, historical references to individuals bearing the name Tennekoon are extremely scarce.

One important intermediate reference appears in the Rājāvaliya, which records a figure named Tennekoon Mudaliyar of Thotagamuwa.

The chronicle records the following passage:

"Ekanayaka Mudali and Amarakon Arachchila of Kalutota went to Denepitiya and lent their assistance. They pursued Manamperi Mudaliyar, cut off his head, took and killed Disanayaka Arachchi, younger brother of Tennakon Mudaliya of Totagamuwa, and the Portuguese warrior named Juan Perera, and a great many of the Portuguese force. Vikramasinha Mudali delivered the Matara District to Ekanayaka Mudali, and having returned to Sitawaka presented himself before king Mayadunne."

"ඒකනායක මුදලියාත් කළුතොට අමරකෝන් ආරච්චිලත් දෙණේපිටියට ගොසින් උදව්ව මනම්පේරි මුදලියා පාරේ එලවාගෙනගෙන ගොස් මනම්පේරි මුදලියාගේ තරමත් ගෙන තොටගමුවේ තෙන්නකෝන් මුදලියාගේ මල් දිසානායක ආරච්චියත් ජුවන් ප්‍රේරා කියන ප්‍රතිකාල් මලවරත් ප්‍රතිකාණු බොහෝ හමුදාවකුත් අල්වා මරාදමා ඒකනායක මුදලින්ට මාතොට දිසාව භාරකරදී සිටුවා වික්‍රමසිංහ මුදලියා හීතාවකට අවුත් මායාදුන්නේ රජ්ජුරුවන් දැක්කේය"

This passage places Mudaliyar Tennekoon of Thotagamuwa during the reign of King Mayadunne of Sitawaka (1521–1581). His younger brother, Disanayaka Arachchi, is described as serving in Matara at the time of his death.

Chronological Position of Mudaliyar Tennekoon

The evidence suggests that Mudaliyar Tennekoon of Thotagamuwa lived approximately one century after Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal and roughly one century before Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave.

This places him squarely in the sixteenth century, making him chronologically intermediate between the two better-known figures.

His residence at Thotagamuwa in Kalutara and the presence of his brother in Matara correspond closely with the regions granted to Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal in the fifteenth century. This geographical continuity strengthens the possibility that Mudaliyar Tennekoon belonged to the same lineage.

One plausible hypothesis is that he may be identical with Suriya Bandara, identified in the Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya as a descendant of Vidiya Bandara. The designation Suriya Bandara may have functioned less as a personal name than as a title signifying membership in a royal clan.

The absence of his younger brother from the Bandaravaliya genealogy could be explained by the latter’s death at a relatively young age without surviving heirs.

Conclusion

At present, only two historical figures bearing the name Tennekoon can be securely identified prior to the lifetime of Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave:

1. Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal, the fifteenth-century grantee of the Paḍākada copper plate.

2. Mudaliyar Tennekoon of Thotagamuwa, recorded in the Rājāvaliya during the sixteenth century.

Although these references are few, they provide valuable insight into the early history of the name. By the time of Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave in the seventeenth century, the surname had already acquired sufficient prominence to be associated with one of the most powerful chieftains of the Kandyan kingdom. After his lifetime, references to individuals bearing the name Tennekoon become considerably more numerous, reflecting the continued expansion of the lineage.

Although the surviving references to the name Tennekoon prior to the seventeenth century remain limited, the Paḍākada copper-plate grant, the genealogical tradition preserved in the Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya, and the chronicle evidence of the Rājāvaliya together suggest the presence of a lineage extending back at least to the fifteenth century. The figure of Tennekoon Nithaththa Mudiththa Perumal, followed by the sixteenth-century Mudaliyar Tennekoon of Thotagamuwa, provides a plausible historical bridge between the political world of the Kotte kingdom and the later prominence of the Tennekoon family in the Kandyan state. By the time of Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave, this lineage had already accumulated generations of regional authority and service under successive administrations, forming the historical background against which his own remarkable career in the seventeenth century must be understood.

References

Primary Sources

රාජාවලිය [Rājāvaliya]. Edited by B. Gunasekara. Colombo: Government Printer, 1891. (Sinhala).

Gunasekara, B. (Trans.). The Rajavaliya: A Historical Narrative of Ceylon. Colombo: Government Printer, 1900.

Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya (family ola manuscript). Text and discussion in:
Paulusz, J. H. O. (1970). The Tudugala family: Some notes on the Tudugalas in the reign of Rajasinha II. The Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. 17. Tisara Prakasakayo.

Paranavitana, S. (1933). Dädigama slab-inscription of Bhuveneka-Bāhu VI. Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. 3, pp. 278–286.

Paranavitana, Senarat. (1945). “The Paḍākada Sannasa.” Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 36, pp. 130–133.

Secondary Sources

Pieris, P. E. (1902). Notes on Some Sinhalese Families in Ceylon: Navaratne–Tennekoon. Vol. 1.

Pieris, P. E. (1903). Notes on Some Sinhalese Families in Ceylon: Navaratne–Tennekoon. Vol. 2.

Paulusz, J. H. O. (1970). The Tudugala family: Some notes on the Tudugalas in the reign of Rajasinha II. The Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. 17. Tisara Prakasakayo.

de Silva, K. M. (1981). A History of Sri Lanka. University of California Press.

Tennekoon Dissave: The Great-Grandson of Vidiya Bandara

Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave occupies a prominent place in the political and military history of seventeenth-century Sri Lanka. His authority within the Kandyan kingdom and his later defection to the Dutch East India Company have attracted sustained scholarly attention. Yet the deeper historical significance of Tennekoon Dissave lies not only in his own career, but also in the genealogical tradition that situates him as a great-grandson of Vidiya (Veediya) Bandara, the renowned sixteenth-century commander-in-chief of the Kingdom of Kotte.

This lineage—preserved primarily in the Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya and corroborated in part by the Rājāvaliya—connects the turbulent politics of late medieval Kotte with the aristocratic power structures of the Kandyan period. An examination of these sources—Sinhala chronicles, clan-based ola manuscripts, and later historiography—reveals both the strength of this genealogical memory and the methodological challenges involved in reconciling it with established chronology.

Vidiya Bandara in the Political Order of Sixteenth-Century Kotte

Vidiya Bandara was a sixteenth-century Sinhalese military commander and commander-in-chief of the Kingdom of Kotte who rose to prominence under King Bhuvanaikabahu VII (r. 1521–1551). Born in the early 1500s, following the fragmentation of the kingdom after the death of King Parakramabahu VIII, he ascended through martial prowess, becoming instrumental in repelling invasions, including the major campaign of 1539 led by King Mayadunne of Sitawaka. In that confrontation, Kotte relied heavily on Portuguese military support.

Vidiya Bandara’s career thus unfolded at the intersection of dynastic warfare and the earliest sustained European intervention in Sri Lankan politics. His campaigns involved resistance against Sitawaka and, at times, against Portuguese encroachment; his relationship with the Portuguese was complex and situational, shifting with changing political circumstances. Vidiya Bandara is remembered in Sri Lankan historiography as both an emblem of indigenous military resistance and a cautionary figure whose ambition complicated prospects for wider unity.

Dynastic Marriage and the Rājāvaliya Account

Dynastic marriage was central to Vidiya Bandara’s rise. The Rājāvaliya records that King Bhuvanaikabahu VII—who had married a princess of the Gampola royal house and fathered a daughter—also had two nephews, Vidiya Bandara and Tammita Bandara (sons of his sister). Of these, the elder, Vidiya Bandara, was married to the king’s daughter. The chronicle renders this with the following Sinhala passage:

භුවනෙකබාහු රජ්ජුරුවන්ට උඩරට ගම්පළ වරිගෙන් බිසෝ කෙනෙකුන් දෝළිගෙනත් කුමාරිකාවකුත් ලැබගෙන මහරජකම් කරන සඳ භුවනෙකබාහු රජුගේ ඇවැස්ස බෑණාවරු දෙදෙනෙක, ඔවුහු කව්රුද යත්? වීදියේ බණ්ඩාරය, තම්මිට බණ්ඩාරය යන මේ දෙදෙනයි, ඉන් වැඩිමහළු වීදියේ බණ්ඩාරට භුවනෙකබාහු රජ්ජුරුවන්ගේ දෝනියන් දී උන්නේය.

“King Bhuvanaikabahu took to wife a princess from the royal family of Gampola in the hill-country, and had a daughter by her. He also had two nephews, sons of his sister, namely Vidiye Bandara and Tammita Bandara, to the eldest of whom his daughter was given in marriage.”

This marriage firmly embedded Vidiya Bandara within the royal house of Kotte. The union produced two sons: the elder became Dom João Dharmapala, the last king of Kotte who later ruled under Portuguese protection, while the younger was Vijayapala Bandara, later styled Prince of Matale.

Second Marriage and Alliance with Sitawaka

Following the death of Bhuvanaikabahu VII’s daughter, Vidiya Bandara entered into a second marriage of political significance. The Rājāvaliya provides the background: Samudra Devi, daughter of Prince Thaniyawalla of Madampe, had earlier married a Soli (Chola) prince and borne two sons, Vidiya and Tammita. Vidiya was later brought from Madampe to Kotte and married into the Kotte royal house. After the death of his first wife, Mayadunne gave his youngest daughter, Kuda Tikiri Adahasin, in marriage to Vidiya Bandara, thereby restoring peace with a valiant military figure who had also been regarded as a rebel. The chronicle passage reads:

මාදම්පේ වැඩ සිටි තනියවල්ල රජ්ජුරුවන්ගේ දෝණියෝ සමුද්‍රදේවී සොළී රජ කෙනෙකුන්ට දාව වැදූ කුමාරයින් වීදියේ අදහසින් තම්මිට අදහසින් යන දෙන්නාගෙන් වීදියේ අදහසින් මාදම්පෙන් කෝට්ටේට ගෙන්නවා භුවනෙකබාහු රජ දුවණියන් දීලා සිටිකල්හි භුවනෙකබාහු රජුගේ දුවණියෝ ආයාස ගතියකින් ඉකුත් වූවාය නැවත සන්තානයට මායාදුන්නේගේ කුඩා ටිකිරි අදහසින් වීදියේ රජ්ජුරුවන්ට ගෙනත් දී සන්තාන විය.

“Here it must be noticed that Samudradevi, the daughter of King Taniyawalla, who resided at Madampe, was married to a Soli prince, to whom she bore two sons, viz.: Prince Vidiye and Prince Tammita. The elder, Prince Vidiye, was brought from Madampe to Kotte, where he married a daughter of King Bhuvaneka Bahu, who died from constitutional weakness. After this, Mayadunne, having brought his youngest daughter, gave her as wife to Prince Vidiye, and made peace with him.”

Through these two marriages—to daughters of Bhuvanaikabahu VII and of Mayadunne—Vidiya Bandara’s children were anchored within the royal networks of both Kotte and Sitawaka. Because both Bhuvanaikabahu VII and Mayadunne are sons of Vijayabahu VI, the royal descent of Vidiya Bandara’s offspring is situated within the broader Siri Sangabo dynastic tradition.

Maternal Lineage: Rājāvaliya’s Extended Narrative

The Rājāvaliya situates Vidiya Bandara within a maternal genealogical framework descending from Parakramabahu VI. Crucially, it preserves a detailed narrative of violent succession and household composition that must be presented in full because it establishes the royal status of Prince Thaniyawalla of Madampe, Vidiya Bandara’s maternal grandfather. The chronicle passage reads:

අම්බුළුගල රජ මධ්‍යම රාත්‍රියේ පණ්ඩිත පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජ මරාදමා පසුවදා රාජභවනය සරසා වීරපරාක්‍රමබාහු (VIII) නම තබාගෙන සිංහාසන ප්‍රාප්තවිය. පණ්ඩිත පරාක්‍රමබාහු රජ නව අවුරුද්දක් රාජ්‍යශ්‍රීය අනුභව කෙළේය යි දැනගතයුතුයි. වීරපරාක්‍රමබාහු රජ කුමාරවරු සතරදෙනෙකුත් කුමාරිකාවකුත් ලැබ සැපසේම දෙවිසි අවුරුද්දක් රාජ්‍යය කර ස්වර්ග පදවිය ලද ඉක්බිති ඒ රජුගේ පුත් වැඩිමහලු කුමාරයින්ට ධර්මපරාක්‍රමබාහු (IX) නම් තබා සිංහාසනප්‍රාප්ත කළාහ. විජයබාහු රජ්ජුරුවෝත් රාජසිංහ රජ්ජුරුවෝත් මැණික්කඩවර නුවර කරවා බාල අවස්ථාවේම එකතැන එක දෝළිය සරණපාවාගෙන විසුවෝය. බාලකුමාරයා රයිගම්නුවර විසුවේය. ධර්මපරාක්‍රමබාහු රජුගේ මවු බිසවට නගා වූ කුමාරිකාව අම්බුළුගල රජහට දී අගමෙහෙසුන් කොට ඉඳ බාල බිසෝ අදහසින් ඒ රජහට දාව වැදූ කුමාරයෝ දෙදෙනෙක උහුනම් සකලකලාවලල රජ උඩුගම්පළ උන්නේය. තනියවල්ල රජ මාදම්පේ උන්නේය.

“When the king of Ambulugala made his entry into the city of Kotte, King Pandita Parakramabahu caused the palace doors to be closed, slew the queens, and remained inside with his three sons. But at midnight he was slain by the king of Ambulugala; on the following day that king adorned the palace and ascended the throne under the name Vira Parakramabahu (VIII). It should be known that King Pandita Parakramabahu had enjoyed royal dignity for nine years. King Vira Parakramabahu reigned happily for the space of twenty years; he had four princes and one princess, and thereafter attained heaven. On his death, his eldest son was raised to the throne under the name Dharma Parakramabahu IX. Prince Vijayabahu and Prince Rajasinha built the city of Menikkadawara, and while still young lived together in one place, sharing a single consort; the younger prince resided in the city of Rayigama. The younger sister of the mother of King Dharma Parakramabahu was given in marriage to the king of Ambulugala, who made her his principal queen; and by a lesser queen he had two sons: Prince Sakalakalawalla, who resided at Udugampola, and Prince Taniyawalla, who resided at Madampe.”

This passage establishes Prince Taniyawalla as a royal son of King Vira Parakramabahu VIII, and thus places his daughter Samudra Devi—and her son Vidiya Bandara—firmly within the royal genealogical network descending from Parakramabahu VI.

Summary of the Rājāvaliya lineage relevant here:

King Parakramabahu VI
↓
Prince Ambulugala → King Vira Parakramabahu VIII
↓
Prince Thaniyawalla (Madampe)
↓
Samudra Devi
↓
Vidiya Bandara

Descent to Tennekoon Dissave in the Vidagama Bandaravaliya

The Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya, a clan ola manuscript preserved in family holdings and discussed in later scholarship, preserves the tradition that links Vidiya Bandara to the Tennekoon family. According to this record, Vidiya Bandara’s son Suriya Bandara was taken into the household of King Rajasinha I of Sitawaka, who lacked an heir and therefore brought his nephew into the royal circle. The Bandaravaliya supplies the following Sinhala passage:

මෙම වීදියේ බණ්ඩාර වෙනුවට උපන් සූරිය බණ්ඩාර සීතාවක වැඩ සිටිය රාජසිංහ මහරාජොත්තමයාණන් වහන්සේට කුමාර කෙනෙක් නැති නිසා පෙරළියා පෙරලි කලක් මාගේ ඇවෑමෙන් මීට කිසි කෙනෙක් නැත කියා ඒත්තු වෙමින් බෑණවන සූරිය බණ්ඩාර ඇති කර වදාරා...

“The great King Rajasinha of Sitavaka thought ‘the rebel has rebelled’; yet, having no issue to succeed him, he brought Suriya Bandara, the son of Vidiye Bandara—who was also the king’s nephew—into his household.”

The Bandaravaliya reports that Suriya Bandara’s descendants suffered decline under Portuguese rule. One son died in Portuguese captivity, leaving two sons and a daughter, Visidagama Kumarihamy. The elder son was granted the title Tennekoon Mudiyanse and appointed Dissave of Matota—identified in clan tradition as Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave, later prominent at the Kandyan court and ultimately associated with the Dutch.

Lineage according to the Bandaravaliya:

Vidiya Bandara
↓
Suriya Bandara
↓
Bandara (name not preserved)
↓
Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave (Tennekoon Mudiyanse)

Conflicting Traditions and Chronological Problems

The Bandaravaliya also preserves a much longer and more problematic genealogy that ascribes Vidiya Bandara’s maternal origins to a South Indian ruler named Tennekoon Niththadu Mudiththa Perumal, and it even connects to a King Dapulusen said to have ruled in Dondra in Śaka 712 (790 CE); the manuscript then attributes descendants to Buddhist year 1779 (1236 CE)—dates that are irreconcilable with Vidiya Bandara’s sixteenth-century life. These clear chronological inconsistencies indicate genealogical telescoping and the operation of clan memory rather than literal, year-by-year genealogy.

Such narratives should be treated as ancestral memory and prestige claims—they may preserve echoes of distant South Indian connections or ancient land grants (for example, as reflected in copper-plate traditions), but they cannot be read straightforwardly as accurate generational chronology.

Reconciliation and Methodological Note

The most defensible method is to treat the Rājāvaliya as providing the dynastic backbone—a relatively coherent framework that links Vidiya Bandara’s maternal line to Parakramabahu VI via Prince Ambulugala and Prince Thaniyawalla—while reading the Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya as preserving important clan memory that supplies local names, titles and a direct sequence to the Tennekoon family but that must be handled cautiously where dates and cross-generational links conflict.

Taken together, these sources support the working conclusion that Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave was plausibly the great-grandson (in clan tradition) of Vidiya Bandara, and that the royal lineage connecting them to Parakramabahu VI is most securely established through the maternal genealogy recorded in the Rājāvaliya.

Genealogy Chart (Summary)

Royal line (Rājāvaliya)
Parakramabahu VI
↓
Vira Parakramabahu VIII
↓
Prince Thaniyawalla (Madampe)
↓
Samudra Devi
↓
Vidiya Bandara

Clan tradition (Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya)
Vidiya Bandara
↓
Suriya Bandara
↓
Bandara (name not preserved)
↓
Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave

Final Observations

Vidiya Bandara remains a pivotal and contested figure in Sri Lankan history—an exceptional military leader whose personal ambition also contributed to the fragmentation that made the island more susceptible to external intervention. The Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya, read critically alongside the Rājāvaliya, preserves a plausible genealogical chain linking him to Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave. While chronological anomalies in the clan manuscript require caution, the convergence of chronicle evidence and family tradition allows this lineage to be reconstructed with reasonable confidence.

References

Primary sources

• රාජාවලිය [Rājāvaliya]. Edited by B. Gunasekara. Colombo: Government Printer, 1891. (Sinhala)
• Gunasekara, B. (Trans.). The Rajavaliya: A Historical Narrative of Ceylon. Colombo: Government Printer, 1900.
• Tudugala Vidagama Pevathi Bandaravaliya (family ola manuscript). Text & discussion in: Paulusz, J. H. O. (1970). The Tudugala family: Some notes on the Tudugalas in the reign of Rajasinha II. The Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. 17. Tisara Prakasakayo.

Secondary sources

• Paulusz, J. H. O. (1970). The Tudugala family: Some notes on the Tudugalas in the reign of Rajasinha II. The Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. 17. Tisara Prakasakayo.
• Pieris, P. E. (1902). Notes on Some Sinhalese Families in Ceylon: Navaratne–Tennekoon (Vol. 1).
• Pieris, P. E. (1903). Notes on Some Sinhalese Families in Ceylon: Navaratne–Tennekoon (Vol. 2).
• de Silva, K. M. A History of Sri Lanka. University of California Press, 1981. (for political & military context of sixteenth-century Kotte and Sitawaka)

Tennekoon Dissave: Service under Three Administrations

Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave occupied a position of unusual political and administrative complexity in seventeenth-century Sri Lanka. His career spanned three distinct regimes—the Portuguese administration of the Low Country, the Kandyan court of King Rajasinghe II, and, ultimately, the strategic orbit of the Dutch East India Company. Few Kandyan chieftains navigated these overlapping spheres of power with comparable authority or longevity. An examination of contemporary Dutch records, Kandyan ola manuscripts, and later historiography reveals that Tennekoon was not merely a local official who changed allegiance in a moment of crisis, but a figure whose actions and status were shaped by sustained interaction with multiple political systems over several decades.

By the time of his defection to Dutch-controlled territory on 14 February 1676, Tennekoon was already well known to the Dutch authorities. Serving as both a senior military commander and a civil administrator at the court of King Rajasinghe II, he had interacted with the Dutch administration on the island on numerous occasions, both directly and indirectly. These encounters are documented in several contemporary sources that have been preserved to the present day.

One such source is Beknopte Historie van de Voornaamste Gebeurtenissen op Ceilon, sedert de komste van de eerste Nederlanders aldaar in den jare 1602, en vervolgens van het etablissement der Edele Maatschappij ten zelven eilande tot den jare 1757, which may be translated as “Concise History of the Principal Events in Ceylon from the Arrival of the First Dutch in 1602, and Subsequently of the Establishment of the Honorable Company on the Same Island until the Year 1757.” This work was compiled in 1760 from printed materials and manuscript sources held by the Political Secretary in Colombo and was dispatched to the Netherlands in 1762. A century later, the manuscript was edited for publication by P. A. Leupe.

Another important source is Rapport van Henricus van Bijstervelt van zijn reis naar Kandy in Ceylon, authored by Henricus van Bijstervelt, which can be translated as “Report of Henricus van Bijstervelt on his Journey to Kandy in Ceylon.” The author undertook this journey to the court of King Rajasinghe II in Kandy on February 21, 1671 as an envoy of the Dutch East India Company.

The first Netherlander to appear on the island was Admiral Joris van Spilbergen, who arrived at Batticaloa on 30 May 1602 to offer the friendship of the Dutch East India Company to King Senarat, the ruler of Kandy. King Senarat—also known in European sources as Don João—was the father and predecessor of King Rajasinghe II. This embassy was well received by the Kandyan court. These events took place well before Tennekoon Dissave was born.

During this visit, King Senarat granted the Dutch permission to construct a fort within his kingdom, anticipating that Dutch assistance would help expel the Portuguese. This permission was reportedly accompanied by the following declaration:

“Ik, mijn Keizerinne, Prins en Princesse, zullen de steenen, kalk en andere bouwmaterialen op onze schouderen dragen, zoo de Heeren Algemeene Staten en den Prince een vesting in mijn land begeeren te bouwen.”

“I, my Empress, Princes and Princesses shall carry the stones, lime, and other building materials upon our shoulders, should the Lords States General and the Prince desire to build a fortress in my land.”

Soon after this successful embassy, Vice-Admiral Sebalt de Weert set sail with a fleet of seven ships to attack the Portuguese and returned to Batticaloa, where he informed the Kandyan king of his arrival. Relations between De Weert and the Kandyan authorities, however, deteriorated rapidly due to mutual distrust, disputes concerning Dutch conduct, and disagreements over military cooperation against the Portuguese. In 1603, De Weert was killed at Batticaloa on the orders of King Senarat—an incident that temporarily disrupted early Dutch–Kandyan relations.

Dutch relations with Kandy were later re-established following the death of King Senarat in 1632 and the succession of his youngest son, Rajasinghe II. It was under King Rajasinghe II that Tennekoon was appointed as one of the royal chieftains. This appointment, however, was no ordinary distinction, as Tennekoon already held a high-ranking position within the Portuguese administration. He was serving as the Adikaram of the Mathota Dissavany, as recorded in තුඩුගල වීදාගම පැවති බණ්ඩාරවලිය (Thudugala Vidagama Pewathi Bandarawaliya), which may be loosely translated as “The Lineage of the Bandaras of Vidagama in Thudugala.”

One of the two extant copies of this ola-leaf manuscript was last revised by the Buddhist monk Thudugala Dhammajothi on 20 September 1897, likely drawing upon earlier versions of the text.

According to the Thudugala Vidagama Pewathi Bandarawaliya, Tennekoon’s father—who was of royal descent—was taken prisoner by the Portuguese, as a consequence of which his three children were raised under Portuguese influence. The eldest of these children was Tennekoon Mudiyanse, later known as Maha Senadhipathi Tennekoon Dissave. At the time he was approached by the newly crowned Rajasinghe II, Tennekoon was serving as Adikaram of the Mathota Dissavany and was married to a princess descended from King Dapulusen, a ruler associated with southern Sri Lanka.

“…මෙම බණ්ඩාර වෙනුව උපන් බණ්ඩාරලා දෙන්නාගෙන් වැඩිමහළු බණ්ඩාරට පරංගින් විසින් බණ්ඩාර පේරු ඇරී තෙන්නකෝන් මුදියන්සේ කියා පට බැඳී මාතොට දිසාවේ අදිකාරම් කියා දෙමින් දාපුළුසෙන් රජය ගෝත්‍රයෙන් කුමාරියන් සරණව සිටින ප්‍රස්ථාවට෴”

“Of the two sons born to this Bandara lineage, the elder Bandara was granted by the Portuguese the title of Bandara and given the name Tennekoon Mudiyanse, being appointed as Adikaram of the Mathota Dissavany, at a time when he was married to a princess descended from King Dapulusen.” 

Responding favorably to the secret message of King Rajasinghe II, Tennekoon decided to join the royal administration, not alone but together with eighteen Mudaliyars who were his subordinates. These included Payiyagala Rala, Pethiyagoda Rala, Makadala Rala, Kitulegoda Rala, Pedige Rala, Dambagama Rala, and Koratota Appuhamy. Payagala Appuhamy, possibly identical with Payiyagala Rala, had risen to the position of Dissave of Uda-Alapata by 1676, as stated in the Tennekoon Report.

The king was pleased to see these eighteen Mudaliyars accompanying Tennekoon and granted all of them offices, land, and paddy fields. Tennekoon himself was entrusted with the administration of four provinces, namely Seven Korales, Four Korales, Uva, and Matale, which approximately correspond to the modern districts of Kurunegala, Kegalle, Badulla, and Matale in Sri Lanka.

Upon assuming this appointment, Tennekoon married a Kumarihamy, a noblewoman of the Elapatha family, and settled at Beminiwatta in Four Korales. His younger sister, Visidagama Kumarihamy, who accompanied Tennekoon, was given in marriage to Edanduwawa, who is recorded as serving as Chief of Tamankaduva in 1676, according to the Tennekoon Report. Tennekoon’s younger brother, identified as Thudugala Madduma Appuhamy, who remained at Thudugala, was entrusted with the ancestral titles and lands that had formerly belonged to Tennekoon in the Low Country. Based on this description, two marriages of Tennekoon can be identified: the first to a princess descended from the lineage of King Dapulusen, and the second to a Kumarihamy of the Elapatha family.

Henricus van Bijstervelt, during his embassy to the court of King Rajasinghe II in 1671, interacted extensively with Tennekoon, whom he identifies as Beminiwatte Tennekoon Rale, the Chief of Sitawaka. These interactions occurred toward the end of Van Bijstervelt’s journey, shortly before his departure from Kandyan territory, and are recorded in detail in his travel account.

Beminiwatte—located in the Four Korales—was Tennekoon’s place of residence at this time. It was there that he lived with his second wife, a noblewoman from the Elapatha family, following his appointment within the Kandyan administration, as recorded in the Thudugala Vidagama Pewathi Bandarawaliya.

"Des avonts waren wij gecomen tot Ruanelle, alwaer ’s nagts verbleven ende des morgens vertrocken na Citawaacke, alwaar oock omtrent den avond sijn gecomen, en door het opperhooft Bemmewatte Tinneconnerale mij sijn onderhebbende officieren toegesonden, waar door mij deselve liet vragen ofte ick aldaar wilde vernaghten, ofte hoe ick het verstont, het soude hem lieff en aangenaem sijn, dewijl ick selver met den Keyser sijn ordre was affgecomen, soo hadde hij volgens bekentenisse geen aufhoriteyt, antwoordende seyde: Soo het de monsrs. verstaan, ick was en ben gereet ten dienste van d’ ed. Comp., waar op sijn officieren gevraagt hebben door ordre van den selven Bemmewatte, ofte niet noode waar en mijn de voeten niet seer deden, maar antwoordede andermael, dat gereet was ende geen pijn en voelde.

Niet te min door de stercke slagregen ende met een oock den avond naderde, soo versogt mijn den gem. Sr. Tinneconnerale om aldaer te vernagten, gelijck geschiede, ende conde morgen op mijn gemack vertrecken na Orwevel, soo bovengem. Bemmewatte recommandeerde ende versogt om dat oock de bloetsuygers minder souden wesen, waarop des morgens vertrocken met het convoy van dese navolgende officieren: een Attanacorale, twee Arackes van Oedepalate met haer bijhebbende lascs., dewelcke mij van bovenaff geconvoyeert hebben tot de laaste gravet van Hijtawake.

Daar beneffens was nog Sr. Tinneconnerale oock met alle sijn lascs. tot convoy van d’ ed. Comp., en mijn persoon tot de laaste selvige graveth, van waar de bovengen. haar afscheyt genoomen hebben, ende weder keerden na boven, ende Sr. Tinneconnerale belasten sijn officieren en lascs., dat mijn souden convoyeren tot Orwevel, waerom ick andermael versogt mijn affscheyt te nemen eerst van den Keyser, daer na van bovengen. opperhooft, gelijck geschiede, ende van daar vertreckende ben des achtermiddaghs g’arriveert tot Orwevel, alwaer eenige chergien over mijn comste geschooten wierden, ende oock door de officieren jngehaalt en verwillecomt."

"Leaving in the morning for Ruanelle (Ruwanwella), we saw on the way two or three of our men who were prisoners, but, as previously mentioned, naked and bare, almost like wild men. In the evening we arrived at Ruanelle, where we remained the night, and in the morning departed for Citawaacke (Sitawaka), which we reached toward evening.

The chief of that place, Bemmewatte Tinneconnerale (Beminiwatte Tennekoon Rale), sent his subordinate officers to me to ask whether I wished to spend the night there; and however I might be disposed, it would be pleasing and agreeable to him should I do so, since I had come away under the order of the Emperor. According to his own confession, he had no authority to receive me.

I answered and said that, if the gentlemen so desired, I was, and am, ready for the service of the Honourable Company. Whereupon his officers, by order of the said Bemmewatte, asked whether we were not tired and whether my feet were not sore; but I replied again that I was ready and felt no pain and no discomfort.

Nevertheless, notwithstanding the heavy rain, and as evening drew near, Sr. Tinneconnerale requested me to spend the night there, which I did, and that I could depart comfortably in the morning for Orwevel. The aforesaid Bemmewatte recommended and requested this, noting that there would then be fewer leeches.

Whereupon I departed in the morning with an escort of the following officers: one Attanakorale, two Arachies of Oedepalate (Uda Palatha) with their accompanying lascorens, who escorted me from above as far as the last gravet of Hijtawake (Sitawaka). There also came Sr. Tinneconnerale himself with all his lascorens, as an escort for the Honourable Company and for my person as far as the same last gravet.

There the aforesaid people took their leave and returned to the hills, and Sr. Tinneconnerale instructed his officers and lascorens that they should lead me to Orwevel (Oruwala). Whereupon I again sought to take my leave, first from the Emperor, and afterwards from the aforesaid chief, which was done."

Several days prior to these interactions, Van Bijstervelt was presented with an ola manuscript during a meeting with Kandyan chiefs. According to his account, the ola had been issued on the orders of Beminiwatte Tennekoon Rale. The language of the report clearly demonstrates the authority exercised by Tennekoon within Kandyan territory at that time. The ola manuscript, authored by Dom João da Costa Manamperi Rajapakse Mudiyanse on Tennekoon’s orders, is explicitly dated September 5, 1671.

"Nogh seyde dese selve hoffsgrooten, sijnde twee Adigaers, twee Dessaves, drie Mohoterales, twee Hollanders en twee Portugesen, dat sij ordre hadden om mijn een ole voor te lesen ende te laten vertolcken door Hollanders en Portugesen, 't welck geschiede, maar de Cingalesen sloegen eerst raad met den andere, en na gedane raadslaging ende luysteringen sijn gesamentlijck neder gaan sitten. Den jnhoud van den ole is geweest, als volgt: Sr. dom Joan da Costa Monamperij Rajapassa Modiace heeft deselve gesz., door ordre van sijn Edt. aan 't opperhooft tot Hijtewaecke gent. Bemmewatte Tinneconnerale; den gem. dom Joan adverteerde, dat Golahesse binnen wijnig dagen met een brieff van sijn Edt. soude opgesonden worden, om denselven te presenteren aande grootmogende Keyser, ende sijn Edt. en den Raad waren in goede dispositie, ende sijn Edt. bleeff een trouwen dienaar van den Keyser en dom Joan was en bleeff een van de alderminste dienaars des selven Keysers. Eyndelijck wiert mijn de groetenisse gedaan, ende de ole was gedateert op Maandagh den 5en 7bris ao 1671 in 't keyserlijck casteel Colombo. Mijn dese jnhoud der ole bekent gemaackt hebbende, vertrocken weder om te rapporteren 't gepasseerde aen den Keyser."

“Then the same grandees of the court, namely two Adigars, two Dessaves, three Mohottaralas, two Hollanders, and two Portuguese, stated that they had orders to read out to me an ola and to have it translated by the Hollanders and Portuguese. This was done; however, the Sinhalese first took counsel among themselves, and after deliberation and listening, they all together went and sat down.

The contents of the ola were as follows: Sr. Dom João da Costa Monamperij Rajapassa Modiace has stated the same, by order of His Excellency, to the chief at Hijtwaecke, named Bemmewatte Tinneconnerale. The said Dom João conveyed that Golahesse would, within a few days, be sent up with a letter from His Excellency in order to present it to the Great and Mighty Emperor, and that His Excellency and the Council were in good disposition, and that His Excellency remained a faithful servant of the Emperor, and that Dom João was and remained one of the very least servants of that same Emperor.

Finally, greetings were conveyed to me, and the ola was dated Monday, the 5th of September 1671, in the Imperial Castle of Colombo.

Having thus made the contents of the ola known to me, they departed again in order to report what had transpired to the Emperor.”

Several years later, in August 1675, the Dutch found themselves at war with King Rajasinghe II, and were compelled to interact with Tennekoon in a markedly different manner. This episode occurred only a few months before Tennekoon’s escape in February 1676 and represents a decisive shift from earlier periods of cooperation. The circumstances surrounding this phase of the conflict are described in the Beknopte Historie.

"Latende den Koning d' Ed. Compe. alzoo geheel ongemoeit en in het geruste bezit haarer landen, tot in den jare 1675, wanneer er een groote en algemeene inval der bovenlanders van rontsomme geschiedde, verre boven het effort en de magt, die men van dien Vorst ooit hadde te gemoet gezien. Middelerwijl was den WelEd. Heer Admiraal en Super-Intendent Rijckloff van Goens, in de maand April deszelven jaars naar Batavia vertrokken, en het bestier bij deszelfs Heer zoon, den Edelen Heer Rijckloff van Goens de jonge, overgenomen. In de maand Augustus wierd de schans Bibligamme, door de Koningse met een formidable magt g'attaqueert en bezet, en in de maand September daaraan zoodanig benaud, dat de bezetting, niet tegenstaande dezelve zich onder het beleid van den Lieutenant Dessave Blijkland en Lieutenant Moliere manmoedig en dapper hadde gedefendeerd, genoodzaakt was te bukken voor de overmagt der Candianen, en gevankelijk naar Candia opgevoerd wierd; zonder dat er eenige mogelijkheid was, niettegen staande alle aangewende debvoiren van den Ed. Heer Gouverneur om die brave mannen te ontzetten. Waarna den Koning die zich zelfs in persoon daar omstreeks bevond, zich met zijn geheele magt wendde naar de Neude en Kaduatte corle tot naar Ruanelle en aldaar stil bleef leggen. Bij deeze attaque bleek al te klaar de groote ongehoorzaamheid en trouloosheid van des lands volkeren, 's Compe. onderdanen, die de Nederlanders op eene schandelijke wijze verlieten en zelfs nadeel toebragten. Gelijk zij ook daarvan een bewijs gaven in 't Nigombose district, hetwelk geheel door haar verlaten wierd, betoonende in alles een schandaleuse lafhartigheid en ontrouwe; waar uit consteert hoe weinig staat op dat volk te maken is, als de Compe. maar eenigzints in zwarigheid schijnt te wezen. Terzelver tijd ontving men berigt, dat den Dessave der zeven corles Tinnekoon, met de gantsche magt dier landen Noordwaarts opgetrokken was, voorzien van allerley gereedschappen als Inchiados1), Bijlen, Piekhaans en Thonys; waarop men eenige manschappen over zee ter versterking van Calpitty zond."

“Thus the King left the Honourable Company entirely undisturbed and in peaceful possession of its territories until the year 1675, when there occurred a great and general incursion of the highland people from all sides, far exceeding the effort and strength that had ever before been expected of that prince.

Meanwhile, the Honourable Lord Admiral and Superintendent Rijckloff van Goens had departed for Batavia in the month of April of that same year, and the administration had been taken over by his son, the Honourable Lord Rijckloff van Goens the Younger.

In the month of August, the fort Bibligamme was attacked and taken by the King’s forces with a formidable strength, and in the month of September it was so hard pressed that the garrison—although it had defended itself manfully and bravely under the command of Lieutenant-Dissave Blijkland and Lieutenant Moliere—was compelled to yield to the superior force of the Kandyan troops and was led away as prisoners to Kandy; and this without there being any possibility, notwithstanding all the efforts employed by the Honourable Lord Governor, of relieving those brave men.

Thereupon the King, who himself was personally present in the vicinity, turned with his entire force toward the Neude and Kaduatte Korales, advancing as far as Ruwanella, where he halted and encamped.

During this attack there became all too clearly evident the great disobedience and faithlessness of the peoples of the land, subjects of the Company, who shamefully abandoned the Dutch and even caused them harm. They likewise gave proof of this in the Negombo district, which was entirely deserted by them, displaying in all respects a scandalous cowardice and disloyalty; from which it is evident how little reliance can be placed upon that people whenever the Company appears to be in even the slightest difficulty.

At the same time, news was received that Tinnekoon, Dissave of the Seven Korales, had marched northward with the entire force of those regions, provided with all manner of implements such as inchiados, axes, pickaxes, and thonys; whereupon a number of troops were dispatched by sea to reinforce Calpitiya."

In April 1675, Rijckloff van Goens departed for Batavia, appointing his son, Rijckloff van Goens the Younger, as Governor of Ceylon, a position he held until December 1679. Tennekoon’s escape to Dutch-controlled territory took place while Van Goens the Younger was in office.

According to a memorandum by Rijckloff van Goens the Younger, written upon his departure as Governor of Ceylon and addressed to his successor Laurens Pijl on December 3, 1679, and later published in Communications of the Historical Society of Utrecht, Volume 5, the Dutch had by this period come to rely strategically on the military and administrative capabilities of Tennekoon. Van Goens’s assessment of the state of the colony at that time indicates that Tennekoon was regarded not merely as a Kandyan official, but as a key intermediary whose position and influence could be leveraged in both peace and conflict, particularly in anticipation of political instability following the death of King Rajasinghe II.

This assessment is clearly reflected in the following passage, which combines a description of administrative divisions under the Matara Dissave with explicit strategic advice to the Company. Notably, Tennekoon is identified as a figure on both sides of whom the Company expected to derive “great service,” underscoring his perceived importance in Dutch contingency planning.

"Onder den Maturesen dessave, behoren de Attacalan, Colona, Morrua, Dollasdas, Billigam Gale en de helft van de Walewitte Corle, mitsgaders de landen der Girrewijs en Roeme, tot aan de revier van Coebecanoye, en legt nu de hoogste veldschans in de landen van Mature op Catoene, 't welke van tayp zeer net en wel gebout is; d' Attacalan en Colona Corla, mitsgaders de landen van Roene, zijn den onder dessave Ponsje Apohamy, anders genaamt Mende Corle dessave, toevertrouwt, van welken man d' E. Comp. aan die kant en aan deze zijde van den schranderen Tinnecon dessave, groten dienst zal konnen trekken, als Ragia Singa komt te sterven; dog zo lange dien vorst leeft, gelieve U E. om geen groter uytbreydinge te denken, maar wijselijk te conserveren en beschermen 't gene nu vreedsaam bezeten werd; dog als Ragia Singa komt te overlijden, zal U E. het werk van alle kanten zeer verwart over den hals komen, en dan ten principalen de militie dienen in 't veld gebragt, om de vlugtende benedenlanders de weg te veyligen en op 's Comps, meesten interest te passen, waar van U E. haar Ed. Ho. Agtb. speculatien en bevelen, in den brief van 16 September 78, zullen vinden uytgedrukt, en terstont van dat voorval als dan moeten kennisse geven."

“Under the Matara Dissave fall Attacalan (Atakalan), Colona (Kolonna), Morrua, Dollasdas, Billigam (Weligam), Gale (Galle), and half of the Walewitte Korale, together with the lands of Girrewijs (Giruwa) and Roeme (Ruhuna), extending as far as the river Coebecanoye (Kumbukkan Oya). At present, the principal field redoubt in the lands of Matara is situated at Catoene (Katulana), which, in terms of its type, is very neatly and well constructed.

The Attacalan and Colona Korales, together with the lands of Roene, have been entrusted to the subordinate Dissave Ponsje Appuhamy (Punchi Appuhamy of Wikiliya), otherwise called the Dissave of Mende Korale, from whom the Honourable Company will be able to derive great service on that side as well as on this side of the astute Dissave Tinnecoon, when Raja Singa comes to die.

Yet so long as that prince lives, Your Honour is advised not to contemplate any greater expansion, but rather wisely to preserve and protect what is now peacefully possessed. However, when Raja Singa comes to pass away, affairs will from all sides come upon you in great confusion, and then above all it will be necessary to bring the militia into the field, in order to secure the routes against the fleeing low-country people and to attend to the Company’s principal interests, concerning which Your Honour will find the considerations and instructions of Their Honours, the High and Mighty Lords, set forth in the letter of 16 September 1678, and of which occurrence notice must then be given without delay.”

The documentary record demonstrates that Tennekoon Dissave’s relationship with the Dutch evolved over time from diplomatic engagement to strategic confrontation and, ultimately, political realignment. His prior service within the Portuguese administration, followed by his rise to prominence under King Rajasinghe II, positioned him as an intermediary of exceptional value to all parties involved. Dutch sources from both periods of cooperation and conflict attest to the extent of his authority within Kandyan territory and to the Company’s growing awareness of his importance in the event of dynastic instability. Tennekoon’s defection in 1676, therefore, should be understood not as an abrupt rupture, but as the culmination of a long-standing engagement with successive administrations, shaped by shifting balances of power in late seventeenth-century Ceylon. 

References

A short history of the principal events that occurred in the island of Ceylon since the arrival of the first Netherlanders in the year 1602, and afterwards from the establishment of the Honourable Company in the same island till the year 1757 (F. H. de Vos, Trans.). (1889). Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 11(38), 1–150.

Beknopte historie van de voornaamste gebeurtenissen op Ceilon, sedert de komste van de eerste Nederlanders aldaar in den jare 1602, en vervolgens van het etablissement der Edele Maatschappij ten zelven eilande tot den jare 1757. (1859–1862). Berigten van het Historisch Genootschap te Utrecht (Deel 7). Historisch Genootschap te Utrecht. https://www.dbnl.org/tekst/_ber002185901_01/_ber002185901_01_0009.php

Paulusz, J. H. O. (1970). The Tudugala family: Some notes on the Tudugalas in the reign of Rajasinha II: Compiled from official records and private family documents as well as published works (The Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. 17). Tisara Prakasakayo.

Van Bijstervelt, H. (1671/1853–1856). Rapport gedaan ter ordonnantie van d’ed. heer Rijckloff van Goens … In J. C. A. Rethaan Macaré (Ed.), Berigten van het Historisch Genootschap te Utrecht (Deel 5). Historisch Genootschap te Utrecht. https://www.dbnl.org/tekst/_ber002185301_01/_ber002185301_01_0004.php

Van Bijstervelt, H. (1889). Henricus van Bystervelt’s embassy to Kandy (F. H. de Vos, Trans.). Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 40, 355–376.

Van Goens, R. (1853–1856). Memoranda betreffende het eiland Ceylon, door den heer Rijcklof van Goens de Jonge, gouverneur van dat eiland, aan zijn opvolger, den heer Laurens Pijl, overgegeven bij het neerleggen van het gouverneurschap, 3 December 1679 [Memoranda concerning the island of Ceylon, by Mr. Rijcklof van Goens the Younger, governor of that island, handed over to his successor, Mr. Laurens Pijl, upon relinquishing the governorship, 3 December 1679]. In J. C. A. Rethaan Macaré (Ed.), Berigten van het Historisch Genootschap te Utrecht (Deel 5). Historisch Genootschap te Utrecht. https://www.dbnl.org/tekst/_ber002185301_01/_ber002185301_01_0006.php